How does the City and the British banking industry influence decision-makers and, in particular, British governmental policy towards the issue of bankers’ bonuses?
This case study will discuss the ways in which the City influences British politics and decision-makers, with particular focus on the issue of bankers’ bonuses. Firstly, the immense power of the City and the central debate around bankers’ bonuses must be put into context. Following the outbreak of recession in 2007-8, British banks became public enemy number one when it came to light that banks had sold mortgages to clients that they couldn’t afford to pay – a process defined as ‘subprime mortgage lending’. Investment banks had been selling Collateralized Debt Obligations (CDOs) – a derivative against mortgage payments – to private investors who would, in theory, receive a return on their investment providing that the client didn’t default on their mortgage payment.[1] When clients inevitably defaulted on their mortgage payments, banks and private investors were starved of capital, resulting in the shortage of credit and lower levels of bank lending – the ‘credit crunch’. Now that the background to the financial crisis has been explained, it’s easier to see why the issue of bankers’ bonuses has become such a controversial topic in British politics. For many British citizens, there was a great sense of injustice that the profiteering bankers were being rewarded for, what they perceived as being, a remarkable failure.[2] If we then throw into the equation the 84.4 per cent and 43 per cent stake that the British taxpayer holds in the Royal Bank of Scotland and Lloyds TSB respectively, the question of bankers’ bonuses becomes even more divisive.[3] In order to articulate the huge power and influence of the City on British politics and the issue of bankers’ bonuses, this case study will begin by providing an analysis of the economic importance of the City to the UK’s economy. Secondly, this case study will discuss the methods that banks adopt to influence British politics and to represent themselves against a tax on bankers’ bonuses, such as lobbying via the British Bankers’ Association. Following this, this case study will discuss how banks may be able to influence policy-making through their connections and ties to politicians and, in particular, the Conservative Party. Lastly, this essay will provide a counter-argument against the power of the City over bankers’ bonuses by suggesting that it is constrained by the British government, public opinion and anti-capitalism movements, such as the Occupy London campaign. However, the main argument throughout this essay will centre on the belief that the City and British banks are immensely powerful in influencing British politics and the decisions that politicians make towards bankers’ bonuses.
Firstly, this case study would like to discuss the importance of the City to the UK economy and how their strong position enables them to exert influence over the bankers’ bonuses issue. The immense power of the City of London is demonstrated by its ranking as the most competitive financial centre in the world by the Global Financial Centres Index in 2011, overcoming competition from New York and Hong Kong.[4] Britain’s banking industry has been described by London Mayor Boris Johnson as the “locomotive” of the UK economy, responsible for driving growth and prosperity in the private sector, whilst the City is also responsible for approximately 11 per cent of the Inland Revenue’s tax income.[5] Besides the significant contribution that the City makes towards tax returns, the UK financial services industry employs 1.1million people and accounts for 10 per cent of its GDP, whilst driving conomic growth by lending money to Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and big businesses.[6] The BBC’s Business Editor, Robert Peston, argues that the power of Britain’s banking industry is exemplified in David Cameron’s veto of the new EU Treaty on 9th November 2011 because of fears that British banks would be hit hard by a European transaction tax on share dealings.[7][8] Adding to these concerns, City banks, such as HSBC, threatened to move their headquarters to Singapore because they believed that they would be less affected by the Eurozone debt crisis, a potential European transaction tax on share dealings and the implementation of Basel III.[9] Basel III is a particularly controversial topic in the City because it aims to regulate the banking industry by ensuring that there is an acceptable ratio of cash to debt on the Banks’ accounts, which, in theory, would ensure that banks could sustain massive losses, mitigating the need for government bailouts.[10][11]David Cameron’s zealous defence of the City by vetoing the recent EU Treaty is indicative of the economic importance of the UK’s banking industry and, indeed, the priority of the Conservative Party to protect the status quo and the City’s position as the most competitive financial centre in the world. 
The second section of this essay will discuss the different ways that banks can influence government policy on the issue of bankers’ bonuses and whether or not they have been successful in doing so. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Osborne, launched a “bonus war on bankers” in 2009, which he believed would free up “about £10 billion for loans”.[12] Interestingly, however, Osborne’s primary aim was to limit retail banking bonuses rather than investment banking bonuses, which the Labour Party described as an attempt by Osborne to protect “his friends in the City” and their “casino banking” culture.[13] Even former Tory MP and current chief-executive of the British Bankers’ Association, Angela Knight, argued that “the big bonus culture is not in retail banking but in investment banks”, whilst an anonymous investment banker stated that Osborne’s war on bankers’ bonuses was an attempt to please “the man on the street” who wanted to “bash bankers”.[14][15] Yet, in 2011, little progress has been made by Osborne to tackle big City bonuses, with The Guardian, a bastion of the left-wing press, labelling Osborne’s rhetoric of curbing City bonuses as nothing but “hot air”.[16]Peston would agree with The Guardian’s viewpoint, stating that currently “there is no constraint on pay for the smart banker” who could receive their bonus in the form of share options, rather than a tax-deducted bonus in compliance with the UK’s PAYE stipulations.[17] Essentially, the ongoing war of attrition between the tri-force of British public opinion, the City and the British government will continue on the issue of bankers’ bonuses, but what remains clear is that very little headway has been made by the Tories to curb the payment of big City bonuses. 
Having put into context the question of bankers’ bonuses in relation to British politics, this case study will discuss the ways in which individual banking firms represent and defend themselves against the capping of bankers’ bonuses. The most famous defence of bankers’ bonuses comes from the current chief-executive of Barclays Plc, Bod Diamond, at the Treasury Select Committee in January 2011. Diamond – coined as the “unacceptable face of banking” – fought back against MPs, such as current Shadow Secretary for Business Chuka Umunna, who called for Diamond to forgo his 2010 bonus, arguing that the British public failed to recognise the difference between a private bank and part-nationalised bank.[18] Diamond does have a valid point by arguing that the issue of bankers’ bonuses in part-nationalised banks, such as RBS, should be treated separately to Barclays because there isn’t a question of rewarding bankers with taxpayers’ money. The crux of Diamond’s argument is that the British government and British public has little right to intervene in the payment of bonuses in a shareholder owned enterprise, such is the case with Barclays Plc’s listing on the London Stock Exchange, which continued to make healthy profits against the tide of economic recession. Diamond also accepted that whilst the City should be “responsible” on bonuses, “the ‘period of remorse and apology’ for banks needs to be over and the City should be allowed to move on”.[19] In addition to this, Bob Diamond argued that Barclays adopted less risky strategies by comparison to the proliferation of sub-prime mortgages and CDOs in RBS and other failed institutions, such as Lehman Brothers, and should not be tarnished by the reputations of rival banking firms.[20] This is further reiterated when Diamond stated that he “really resented the fact that you [the MPs] refer to this [investment banking] as blackjack or casino banking or rogue trading”, deeming it to be “wrong” and “unfair”.[21] Diamond’s resolute defence of Barclay’s involvement in investment banking and payment of large bonuses reveals the enormous power of the City in British politics and, in particular, the City’s ability to influence decision-makers on the issue of bankers’ bonuses. This notion is further emphasised when Diamond is questioned by John Turso, a Liberal MP, on whether Britain should “accept your [the investment banking industry’s] bonus culture or not have any banks” and Diamond flippantly replied “that’s the nub of it”.[22]These quotations reveal the unique power of the City and the banking industry’s influence over the question of bankers’ bonuses as Diamond almost presents the MPs with an audacious ultimatum that’s not too dissimilar to ‘take it or leave it’.
However, Diamond is not alone in his staunch defence of the City and its bonus culture. In 2011, Deutsche Bank also became embroiled in a lengthy legal battle with HMRC, who “ruled against a long-standing attempt by Deutsche to avoid paying payroll taxes on bonuses”.[23] Quinn also notes that a remarkably similar legal battle on bankers’ bonuses and tax avoidance is taking place between Swiss banking giant UBS and the Inland Revenue.[24] It’s also interesting that Deloitte, the world’s largest professional services firm and a stalwart of the City’s accounting industry, was responsible for designing Deutsche Bank’s tax avoidance scheme.[25] Deutsche Bank and UBS’s defence of their tax avoidance and bonus payment schemes is indicative of the strength of individual City firms and the methods that they employ to lobby against attempts by the government to curb gratuitously sized bankers’ bonuses.
Alternatively, the City has gained broader representation from the British Bankers’ Association (BBA) and the City of London Corporation on the issue of bankers’ bonuses. The BBA is “the leading trade association for the UK banking and financial services sector”, which represents over 200 banks and aims to defend the banking industry by influencing decision-makers into providing an “effective and competitive market place” where business can prosper.[26] On the 31st of January 2011, the BBA defended the payment of bonuses to employees in the City by stating that the bonus pot for 2011 stood at £7 billion, which was down from £11.6 billion in 2007, and that bonuses will have declined by far more as a result of the imposition of the 50 per cent tax rate on higher income groups.[27] As well as this, the BBA is keen to point out that the British banking industry’s payment of bonuses is in full compliance with regulatory stipulations enforced by the Financial Services Authority (FSA) and the European Banking Authority (EBA).[28]On the 2nd of December 2011, the chief-executive of the BBA, Angela Knight, presented a further defence of the payment of bankers’ bonuses. Knight argued that the City had been subject to two years of regulation on bonuses, a levy on bank-balance sheets and a “continuing chorus of concern” and “unfocused anger” from the British public, despite the reduction in the size of bankers’ bonuses.[29] Similarly to Diamond’s testimony in defence of bankers’ bonuses, the BBA suggests that British policy-makers should ensure that the UK “continues to attract this valuable [banking] industry”, which suggests that the British government and British public should accept the bonus culture otherwise the banking industry could move elsewhere. However, Knight does recognise that the issue of bankers’ bonuses is “an emotive and divisive” issue, but she, and indeed the BBA, believes that the City is the target of unjust and unnecessary retribution.[30] It is therefore clear that the BBA and the City of London Corporation plays an incredibly important role in defending the vested interests of the City and British banks on the issue of bankers’ bonuses.
This case study now wishes to discuss how the City may be able to influence decision-makers through political ties and connections, with particular reference to the bankers’ bonuses question. The most obvious link between the City and the decision-makers in the Conservative Party is the fact that the City was responsible for over 50 per cent of the Tories’ 2010 General Election campaign.[31] Other inextricable links between the Conservatives and the City include former Tory MP Angela Knight’s position as the chief-executive of the BBA as well as Boris Johnson’s defence of bankers’ bonuses in fear that, without large bonuses, Britain’s banking industry would relocate to a rival financial centre.[32] Josie Ensor of The Daily Telegraph writes that in 2011 City donations accounted for “51.4 per cent of the £12.2million of funds” received by the Central Office of the Conservative Party, whilst hedge funds, financiers and private equity firms contributed £3.3m and 50 City donors paid over £50,000.[33] In addition to this, James Maxwell of the New Statesman notes that donations over £3m entitle the donor to a one-to-one meeting with senior Tory MPs, including David Cameron.[34]This case study would be guilty of libel if it was to accuse donors of influencing Tory decision-makers on the question of bankers’ bonuses through their one-to-one meetings and generous donations without any evidence, but stranger things have happened. In fact, the ‘Old Goat’ David Lloyd George was found guilty of selling knighthoods and peerages in the 1920s, whilst the recent Labour Prime Minister, Tony Blair, was questioned about the Cash for Peerages Scandal in 2006-7. Money and political connections between the City and the Conservatives has probably bought influence over the issue of bankers’ bonuses, but it is impossible for this essay to prove this beyond all reasonable doubt and without a subsequent court case. It’s perhaps a little wiser for this essay to suggest that the City’s bankrolling of the Conservatives, at the very least, makes them think twice about the effect that their decisions might have on the City’s vested interests, as exemplified by Cameron’s defence of the City by recently vetoing the EU Treaty.
Lastly, this case study wishes to discuss the ways in which the City and bankers’ bonuses are constrained by the British government, public opinion and anti-capitalism movements. As discussed earlier, George Osborne’s “war” on bankers’ bonuses in 2009 and the stricter regulation of bankers’ bonuses payments by the FSA is indicative of the British government adopting a tougher approach on the issue.[35] However, Osborne’s tough approach to bankers’ bonuses concentrated on retail banking rather than investment banking and his calls for the City to curb its big bonus culture have been tempered as of late and have been described, rather fittingly, as “hot air” by The Guardian.[36]However, in defence of the Tories, Cameron and Osborne did argue against RBS bankers taking home large bonuses when it was the British tax payer that had saved them from the very same inglorious demise that Lehman Brothers suffered in late 2008.[37]Despite this, the City’s power is demonstrated through the clear lack of constraint on bonus “pay for the smart banker” and the fact that the British government hasn’t adopted the adversarial stance that the leader of the opposition, Ed Miliband, has promised by implementing heavy taxation on “predatory” business and tackling the issue of bankers’ bonuses with an extension to the bankers’ bonus tax.[38][39][40]
In addition, the City’s influence over decision-makers and the issue of bankers’ bonuses is tempered by British public opinion and anti-capitalism movements. Public anger over the question of bankers’ bonuses is demonstrated by a YouGov poll in 2010 which showed that “76 per cent of people would support a cap on bonuses, that 59 per cent support windfall taxes on bankers’ bonuses, and that 60 per cent want the tax to be extended to those working in hedge funds and private equity houses”.[41] Neither of the above proposals supported by the British public have been implemented by the Tories and the Labour Party suggests that the Conservatives have ‘thrown in the towel’ on the bankers’ bonus debate. However, it is important to also point out that the proliferation of anti-banking opinions amongst the British public has been fuelled by reports in the media because if the average person on the street was quizzed on the role of an investment banker and how they caused the credit crunch, it probably isn’t too presumptuous to suggest that they wouldn’t be able to tell you. Robert Peston argues that the handing out of “massive remuneration rewards, while most of the UK is experiencing the worst squeeze on living standards since the 1930s” is the principle reason behind public contempt for the City and their generous bonus packages.[42] This ‘blame the bankers’ culture and hopping onto the proverbial bandwagon has culminated in the popularity of the ‘we are the 99 per cent’ and the Occupy London anti-capitalism and anti-bankers campaigns. Due to the high levels of pressure put on high-street banks by British public opinion, British high-street banks have made an effort to make their services more customer friendly, which is exemplified in RBS’s championing of their commitment to ‘helpful banking’ and other customer-focused rhetoric. Another example of British public opinion influencing the City and bankers’ bonuses is when Stephen Hester, the current RBS chief-executive, who argued that bankers’ bonuses are not the “font of all evils”, and Eric Daniels, the former chief-executive of Lloyds TSB, bowed down to public pressure and forwent their bonuses in 2009.[43] However, both Hester and Daniels accepted their bonuses in 2010, which suggests that public opinion and anti-capitalism campaigns have done little to constrain and prevent the City from accepting healthy bonus packages.[44]
To conclude, this case study argued that the City is immensely powerful in influencing decision-makers on the issue of bankers’ bonuses. To argue this point, this essay discussed how the economic importance of the City to the UK economy has granted the British banking industry a position of privilege in the UK’s economy. Secondly, this essay discussed the ways in which individual firms represent themselves, with particular focus on Bob Diamond’s testimony to the Treasury Select Committee in 2011 in defence of bankers’ bonuses and the investment activities of Barclays Plc. Following this, this case study discussed the ways in which the City can influence the question of bankers’ bonuses through broader representation via the BBA and the City of London Corporation, as well as the ways in which political connections and donations between the City and the Conservatives may have influenced decision-makers on the issue of bankers’ bonuses. Lastly, this essay argued that British public opinion has, in part, constrained the power of the City and the size of bankers’ bonuses through opinion polls and anti-capitalism movements, such as Occupy London. However, the central argument that this essay wishes to make is that the City is incredibly powerful in influencing decision-makers on the issue of bankers’ bonuses, which is demonstrated by the refusal of the Conservative Party to introduce a windfall tax on bankers’ bonuses and, instead, persist with ineffective regulation.
References
[1] Anonymous, ‘Collaterized Debt Obligations’, Investopedia (2011). Available: http://www.investopedia.com/terms/c/cdo.asp (9/12/2011)
[2] Simon English and Joe Murphy, ‘City Fury at George Osborne’s Bonus War on Bankers’, London Evening Standard (October 2009). Available: http://www.thisislondon.co.uk/standard/article-23760528-george-osborne-to-urge-curbs-on-bankers-bonuses.do (9/12/2011)
[3] Oliver Farrimond, ‘RBS nears Nationalisation as State Increases Stake to 84%”, Deadline News (November 2009). Available: http://www.deadlinenews.co.uk/2009/11/01/11072-2076/ (9/12/2011)
[4] Z/Yen Group, ‘The Global Financial Centres Index 10’, City of London Corporation (September 2011). Available: http://zyen.com/PDF/GFCI%2010.pdf (9/12/2011)
[5] Ben Glaze, ‘Boris Johnson wants to be re-elected as London Mayor’, The Independent (October 2011). Available: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/boris-johnson-wants-to-be-reelected-as-london-mayor-2365327.html (9/12/2011)
[6] Anonymous, ‘Pay and Bonuses in the Financial Sector’, British Bankers’ Association (January 2011). Available: http://www.bba.org.uk/media/article/pay-and-bonuses-in-the-financial-sector/press-pack/ (9/12/2011)
[7] Robert Peston, ‘Big Business Deeply Troubled by Cameron’s Veto, BBC News (December 2011). Available: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-16133286 (9/12/2011)
[8] Joe Lynam, ‘Is the City Worse Off after David Cameron’s EU Veto?’, BBC News (December 2011). Available: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/16131346 (9/12/2011)
[9] Mof Gimmers, ‘HSBC Threaten to Leave UK’, Bitter Wallet (November 2011). Available: http://www.bitterwallet.com/hsbc-threaten-to-leave-uk/51142 (9/12/2011)
[10] Gimmers, ‘HSBC Threaten to Leave UK’.
[11] Jill Treanor, ‘Banks Threaten to Leave London over Measures to Prevent Another Bailout’, The Guardian (April 2011). Available: http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/apr/10/banks-threaten-leave-london-prevent-bailout (9/12/2011)
[12] English and Murphy, ‘City Fury at George Osborne’s Bonus War on Bankers’.
[13] English and Murphy, ‘City Fury at George Osborne’s Bonus War on Bankers’.
[14]English and Murphy, ‘City Fury at George Osborne’s Bonus War on Bankers’.
[15] Dai Davies, ‘Outlaw Unacceptable Bonuses for Bailed-out Bankers, Demands George Osborne’, The Daily Mail (August 2009). Available: www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1206699/Osborne-calls-end-unacceptable-bonus-culture.html (9/12/2011)
[16] Larry Elliott and Jill Treanor, ‘How George Osborne’s Tough Words on Bonuses Proved to be So Much Hot Air’, The Guardian (January 2011). Available: http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2011/jan/10/george-osborne-bonuses-fat-cats (9/12/2011)
[17] Robert Peston, ‘Will Bank Bonuses be Squished?’, BBC News (December 2011). Available: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-16066253 (9/12/2011)
[18] Louise Armitstead and Harry Wilson, ‘Bob Diamond Bites Back at Treasury Select Committee’, The Telegraph (January 2011). Available: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/newsbysector/banksandfinance/8253549/Bob-Diamond-bites-back-at-Treasury-Select-Committee.html (9/12/2011)
[19] Jim Pickard, ‘Bob Diamond at Treasury Select Committee’, The Financial Times (January 2011). Available: http://blogs.ft.com/westminster/2011/01/bob-diamond-at-treasury-select-committee/#axzz1gHnm0Dyh (9/12/2011)
[20] Armitstead and Wilson, ‘Bob Diamond Bites Back at Treasury Select Committee’.
[21] Armitstead and Wilson, ‘Bob Diamond Bites Back at Treasury Select Committee’.
[22] Armitstead and Wilson, ‘Bob Diamond Bites Back at Treasury Select Committee’.
[23] James Quinn, ‘Deutsche Bank Fights Tax Ruling on £92m Bonus Pool’, The Telegraph (April 2011). Available: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/newsbysector/banksandfinance/8423769/Deutsche-Bank-fights-tax-ruling-on-92m-bonus-pool.html (9/12/2011)
[24] Quinn, ‘Deutsche Bank Fights Tax Ruling on £92m Bonus Pool’.
[25] Quinn, ‘Deutsche Bank Fights Tax Ruling on £92m Bonus Pool’.
[26] Anonymous, ‘About Us’, British Bankers’ Association (2011). Available: http://www.bba.org.uk/about-us (9/12/2011)
[27] Anonymous, ‘Pay and Bonuses in the Financial Sector’.
[28] Anonymous, ‘Pay and Bonuses in the Financial Sector’.
[29] Angela Knight, ‘I Don’t Think We Can Be Clearer Than That’, British Bankers’ Association (December 2011). Available: http://www.bba.org.uk/blog/article/i-dont-think-we-can-be-clearer-than-that (9/12/2011)
[30] Knight, ‘I Don’t Think We Can Be Clearer Than That’.
[31] Jill Treanor and Nicolas Watt, ‘Revealed: 50% of Tory Funds Come From the City’, The Guardian (February 2011). Available: http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2011/feb/08/tory-funds-half-city-banks-financial-sector (9/12/2011)
[32]John Hyde, ‘Boris Johnson: Bankers have “Moral Duty” to Donate Bonuses’, The East London Advertiser (November 2010). Available: http://www.eastlondonadvertiser.co.uk/news/boris_johnson_bankers_have_moral_duty_to_donate_bonuses_1_731440 (9/12/2011)
[33] Josie Ensor, ‘How the City Bankrolls the Conservatives’, The Telegraph (October 2011). Available: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/8800457/How-the-City-bankrolls-the-Conservatives.html (9/12/2011)
[34] James Maxwell, ‘New Report Highlights the Tories’ Close Links to the City’, The New Statesman (October 2011). Available: http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/the-staggers/2011/09/tax-companies-party-tories (9/12/2011)
[35] English and Murphy, ‘City Fury at George Osborne’s Bonus War on Bankers’.
[36] Elliott and Treanor, ‘How George Osborne’s Tough Words on Bonuses Proved to be So Much Hot Air’.
[37] Andrew Woodcock, ‘David Cameron could block £500m RBS Bonus’, The Independent (November 2011). Available: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/david-cameron-could-block-500m-rbs-bonus-6260795.html (9/12/2011)
[38] Peston, ‘Will Bank Bonuses be Squished?’.
[39] Anonymous, ‘Miliband Wants More Tax on “Predatory” Companies’, Accountancy Age (September 2011). Available: http://www.accountancyage.com/aa/news/2112639/miliband-tax-predator-companies (9/12/2011)
[40] Anonymous, ‘Ed Miliband Urges Extension of Bank Bonus Tax’, The Guardian (January 2011). Available: http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2011/jan/10/ed-miliband-urges-extension-bank-bonus-tax (9/12/2011)
[41] Anushka Asthana, ‘New Poll Reveals Depth of Outrage at Bankers’ Bonuses’, The Guardian (February 2011). Available: http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2010/feb/21/bank-bonuses-outrage-opinion-poll (9/12/2011)
[42]Peston, ‘Will Bank Bonuses be Squished?’.
[43] James Quinn and Harry Wilson, ‘RBS Chief Stephen Hester Awarded a £2.5m Bonus’, The Telegraph (January 2011). Available: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/newsbysector/banksandfinance/8248374/RBS-chief-Stephen-Hester-awarded-a-2.5m-bonus.html (9/12/2011)
[44] Jill Treanor, ‘RBS and Lloyds Chief Executive Accept £3.49m in Bonuses’, The Guardian (February 2011). Available: http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2011/feb/09/rbs-stephen-hester-lloyds-eric-daniels-bonus (9/12/2011)

